Human Resources & Bullying
RESEARCH AND PRACTICE
IN HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT
Highlight, copy & paste to cite:
Poilpot-Rocaboy, G. (2006). Bullying in the Workplace: A Proposed Model for Understanding the Psychological Harassment Process, Research and Practice in Human Resource Management, 14(2), 1-17.
Bullying in the Workplace: A Proposed Model for Understanding the Psychological Harassment Process
Abstract
Because different studies suggest that
psychological harassment represents a great threat to most workers, it
has received considerable and growing interest across the world and has
emerged as a new field of study in Europe, Australia, South Africa and
the U.S. In spite of these studies, bullying still appears as a complex
phenomenon. This paper summarises the relevant literature and proposes
a specific model of the psychological harassment process. This model
presents psychological harassment as a four phase process to improve
the understanding of this pernicious workplace phenomenon. As a very
costly phenomenon, which harms the health of the victim and the
competitiveness of the firm, the paper concludes that HR managers should combat psychological harassment in organisations.
Introduction
Recent studies in many European countries suggest that the issues of violence and harassment
in the workplace affect a substantial part of the workforce (Paoli & Merllié 2001, Di Martino,
Hoel & Cooper 2003, Einarsen & Nielsen 2004). These studies also indicate that psychological
violence and harassment, rather than physical violence, represents the greatest threat to most
workers (Di Martino, et al. 2003). According to Paoli and Merllié (2001), around nine per cent of
European workers had exposure to some psychological violence. When risk of intimidation and
bullying was compared between EU countries, the highest risk was found for Finland (15 per
cent), Netherlands (14 per cent) and the United Kingdom (14 per cent), whilst the lowest figures
emerged for the Mediterranean countries (Italy, four per cent; Portugal, four per cent). Another
study (Zapf, Einarsen, Hoel & Vartia 2003) estimates that between one and four per cent of
employees in Europe may experience serious bullying, and between eight and 10 per cent occasional
bullying. In France, 10 per cent of workers were found to be exposed to psychological
harassment (Paoli & Merllié 2001). The French Association of Human Resource Managers study
(Bouche 2001) shows that psychological harassment is an increasing phenomenon. A third of
the 160 human resource (HR) managers consulted were confronted with cases of harassment
in 2000. The number of complaints doubled, and after investigation, HR managers had three
times more real cases of psychological harassment in 2000 (in comparison to 1999).
In Australia, bullying in the workplace is widespread. The Beyond Bullying Association (see
http://cwpp.slq.qld.gov.au/bba/book.html), using international research, extrapolated that between
400,000 and two million Australians would be harassed at work in 2001, while between
two point five and five million Australians will have experienced workplace harassment at some
time during their careers. The Australian Council of Trade Unions 2000 survey found that 54 per
cent of respondents reported that intimidating behaviour occurs in their workplace, and a third
reported that abusive language is used (Queensland Government 2002). A recent Australian study
by Timo, Fulop and Ruthjersen (2004) reveals that workplace bullying and harassment present a
significant challenge, specifically for hospital administrators and managers, in general.
Psychological harassment has received considerable and growing interest across the world
and has emerged as a new field of study in Europe, Australia, South Africa and the U.S. (Einarsen
& Nielsen 2004). In spite of these studies, psychological harassment still appears as a
complex phenomenon. For a better understanding, some authors have proposed a general
model of workplace violence (Di Martino, et al. 2003), a model of bullying prevention (Hubert
2003), and a model of bullying organisation antecedents (Salin 2003). However, these models
do not present an overall psychological harassment phenomenon and a specific bullying
model. In fact, Di Martino, et al. (2003) include all types of violence in their model (i.e., sexual
violence, physical violence), while Salin (2003), and Hubert (2003) only present a part of the
psychological harassment process.
This paper summarises the bullying in the workplace literature and proposes the first specific
model of the psychological harassment process in order to understand this pernicious
workplace phenomenon. Firstly, the paper presents the psychological harassment model as
a dynamic process with four phases. Secondly, these four phases – (1) antecedents, (2) psychological
harassment behaviour, (3) responses and (4) effects – are specified and analysed.
Thus, this model presents the determinants and the effects of bullying in the workplace, and
in this way, shows that combating psychological harassment must be a managerial priority in
the workplace. In fact, because bullying increases stress, and reduces wellbeing at work (Mc-
Carthy, Sheehan, & Kearns 1995, Leymann 1996a, McCarthy, Sheehan Wilkie & Wilkie 1998,
McCarthy, Rylance, Bennett & Zimmerman 2001, Di Martino, et al. 2003, Einarsen & Mikkelsen
2003, Djurkovic, McCormack & Casimir 2004, Matthiesen & Einarsen 2004, Nielsen, Mattieson
& Einarsen 2004), affects job performance (Ayoko, Callan & Hartel 2003, Hoel, Einarsen &
Cooper 2003), and potentially influences the intention to leave the job (Djurkovic, et al. 2004),
it is a very costly phenomenon, which can harm the health of the victim and the competitiveness
of the organisation.
The Psychological Harassment Model
Psychological harassment is a heterogeneous phenomenon. Each bullying action shows a
different frequency, has different determinant motivations (e.g., remove someone from the company,
competition for tasks, status, advancement, gain a supervisor’s favour, or play a joke on
someone), a variety of consequences, and the phenomenon occurs in different circumstances.
From this paper’s standpoint, psychological harassment is first a dynamic linear process with
four phases, which is illustrated in Figure 1. The interaction of three types of antecedents (phase
1) can develop psychological harassment behaviour (phase 2), which creates response from
the victim and the organisation (phase 3), and produces three types of effects (phase 4). But,
it is also a unilinear process. For instance, the antecedents (phase 1) can directly influence
the responses (phase 3) of an individual (e.g., personality) or an organisation (e.g., culture).
For example, the personality of the victim can influence the nature of the individual response,
or the culture of the firm can influence the characteristic of the organisational response. In the
same way, the antecedents (phase 1) can directly influence the effects (phase 4). For instance,
the personality of the victim can influence the psychological harassment health effects.
Figure 1
Model of the Psychological Harassment Process
The Psychological Harassment Process Phases
Phase 1: Antecedents of Psychological Harassment
Psychological harassment is a complex phenomenon characterised by multi-causalities. Victim
factors, perpetrator factors and organisation factors represent three determinants which all
interlink. Moreover, harassment behaviour is a dynamic process which arises from the interaction
of individuals and their work context as is depicted in Figure 1.
Victim Characteristics
As Zapf and Einarsen (2003) note, the causes of bullying at work have been a ‘hot issue’ of
debate in both the popular press and in the scientific community. In fact, an apparent question
arises: “Is there a clear and standard profile of victim?” Some (Coyne, Seigne & Randall
2000) argue that individual antecedents, such as the personality of victims (for instance,
neuroticism), may be involved as causes of bullying. Nevertheless, most researchers (Hoel,
Rayner & Cooper 1999) distance themselves from the simplistic view that bullying is the result
of pathologies, or psychopathic personality traits. Indeed, evidence with regard to personality
traits as antecedents of bullying is still sparse. When individual antecedents have been
the subject of study (e.g., Zapf & Einarsen 2003), victims with low self esteem, high anxiety
levels, introverted, conscientious, neurotic and submissive characteristics have been identified.
However, as Di Martino, et al. note (2003: 16), “The extent, to which these personality
characteristics should actually be considered causes of bullying, or whether they should be
considered a result of being bullied, is still an open question.” Leymann (1996b) argues that
these characteristics need to be interpreted as a “normal response to an abnormal situation”.
Thus, most authors (Hirigoyen 1998, Poilpot-Rocaboy 2000) have totally disregarded the role
of individual characteristics and persuasively argued that anyone can become the target of
psychological harassment behaviour. In fact, it is the interaction of individuals, the victim and
perpetrator, and the work context that creates the situation of bullying at any time.
Different authors have suggested that individual factors can influence the incidence and
process of violence in the workplace. Socio-demographic variables such as gender, age,
educational level and marital status are analysed in different studies (Di Martino, et al. 2003).
For instance, in France, Hirigoyen (1998, 2001) showed that 70 per cent of the victims were
women. Furthermore, the European Parliament pointed out, that according to some research
findings, women are more frequent victims than men of every type of harassment, whether it
is ‘vertical’ harassment of a subordinate by a superior or vice versa, peer group (‘horizontal’)
harassment, or harassment of a mixed type. The Third European survey on working conditions
in 2000 (Paoli & Merlli? 2001) showed that on average more women than men are exposed to
intimidation in the EU. This general trend has been confirmed and further specified by national
studies. Di Martino, et al. (2003) revealed that in all EU countries, with only two exceptions,
women are subject to more bullying than men. Different authors have attempted to explain
this fact. Zapf, Einarsen, Hoel and Vartia (2003) argue,
There is some relation between female socialisation and the victim role because
women are said to be educated to be less self-assertive and less aggressive, and
tend to be more obliging than men. Consequently, women are even less able than
men to defend themselves when bullying is starting. (p.112).
Moreover, for various reasons, women hold less powerful positions in organisations (than
managerial or supervisor positions) and being in subordinate positions may contribute to their
increased risk of becoming a victim of bullying.
Bullying may be conceived as a power relationship between perpetrator and victim. This idea
is defended by different authors (e.g., Einarsen, Hoel, Zapf & Cooper 2003) who attribute the
imbalance of power between the parties as a central feature of bullying. This imbalance of
power often mirrors the formal power structure of the organisational context, but the source
of power may be informal, based on knowledge, experience, and length of service, as well as
access to support from influential persons. The vulnerability of the victim is linked with his/her
social situation (e.g., single parent with dependant child, or the only man in a female group),
physical characteristics (e.g., handicapped person, or the only black person in a white group),
and economic situation (e.g., single income) may also modify the imbalance of power and intensify
bullying. In Australia, in the report of the Queensland Government Workplace Bullying
Taskforce (2002) records, the officers of the Office of Public Service Merit and Equity reported
incidents of workplace harassment against the following members of the target groups in the
public sector: women, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, people with a disability,
and people from non English speaking backgrounds.
Perpetrator Characteristics
Is there a clear and standard profile of a perpetrator? While some authors argue that the personality
of the perpetrator is a cause of bullying such as the ‘psychopathic personality’ (Field
1996, Hirigoyen 1998), others (Poilpot-Rocaboy 2000) reject this idea and argue the perpetrator
is not always a sick person. But, a contrary viewpoint is that not everyone can be a perpetrator
in work life, because education and moral values act to stop someone being a perpetrator at
work, even in a context where bullying behaviour is allowed.
Zapf and Einarsen (2003) note bullying research has revealed that bullies seem to be male more
often than female, and supervisors and managers more often than colleagues. They suggest
three main types of bullying related to certain characteristics of perpetrators. The first type
is the bullying due to protection of self esteem. Zapf and Einarsen (2003) contend that many
theorists assume that protecting and enhancing self esteem, which can be understood as having
a favourable global evaluation of oneself, is a basic human motive which influences and
controls human behaviour in many social situations. Thus, high levels of self esteem are likely
to exhibit more aggressive behaviour than low levels of self esteem. Moreover, Baumeister,
Smart and Boden (1996) suggested that various negative emotions such as frustration, anger,
anxiety and envy play a mediating role between self esteem and aggression. For instance,
Ahmed and Braithwaite (2004) show that shame and pride are related to workplace bullying.
Likewise, in other studies (Zapf & Einarsen 2003) on workplace bullying using the reports of
victims, envy on the part of the bullies is considered one main reason for their bullying. According
to Neuman and Baron (2003), the perception of unfair treatment, and the subsequent
frustration and stress produced often serve as antecedents to workplace aggression and
violence. These authors note that the General Affective Aggression Model includes frustration
as one potential cause of such behaviour.
According to Zapf and Einarsen (2003), the second type of bullying is due to the lack of social
competencies on the part of the perpetrator. Lack of emotional control, lack of self reflection and
perspective taking are aspects related to bullying. For example, a supervisor may vent his anger
by regularly yelling at one of the subordinates without being aware of the consequences of this
behaviour. Finally, Zapf and Einarsen (2003) present bullying as a result of micro political behaviour.
It has been suggested that some cases of bullying follow the logic of micro political behaviour in
organisations. This type of bullying indicates harassment of another person in order to protect or
improve one’s own position and interest in the organisation, and has been described as a phenomenon
mainly occurring at the middle and higher hierarchical levels of an organisation.
Some managers profit by using bullying as a form of micro political behaviour, which may be one
of the explanations as to why supervisors and managers are so often among the bullies. From
a ‘social learning’ perspective, O’Leary-Kelly, Griffin and Glew (1996) submit that harassment
is learned by observation, experience or imitation of several sources (family, school, military
service, television, and firm). But as Brodsky (1976) concludes, if perpetrators may indeed
have some common characteristics making them prone to bullying, they will not exhibit such
behaviour unless they are in an organisational culture that rewards, or at least is permissive of
such behaviours. The interaction of individuals and the work context is an essential component
of the psychological harassment behaviour.
Organisation Characteristics
In France, Hirigoyen (1998, 2001) has shown that psychological harassment is more often
present in certain specific industries and occupations, such as the administrative function,
education and the health sector. Di Martino, et al. (2003) confirm this observation and note a
recent review of European surveys of bullying identified several high risk occupations. Overall,
there appears to be a higher risk of bullying within the public sector (public administration and
defence, education and health) than within the private sector. In the Di Martino, et al. (2003)
study, the use of tenure or ‘job for life’ within the public sector provides less room for mobility,
with fewer people leaving as a result of a conflict situation. It is also argued that many of the
jobs associated with a risk of bullying involve a large degree of emotional labour. In such circumstances,
employees may be more inclined to greater personal openness and involvement
in their relationship with colleagues as well as clients, possibly making them more vulnerable
to psychological abuse. In Australia, the report of the Queensland Government Workplace
Bullying Taskforce confirms these findings. This report (2002) identifies specific industries
and occupations in studies on workplace harassment in particular in the fields of health and
community services, education and public administration.
Beyond industry and occupational characteristics, different authors try to find organisational
antecedents of bullying. Salin (2003) summarises the literature explaining workplace bullying
and puts forward organisational antecedents of bullying. Explanations for and factors associated
with bullying are classified into three groups: (1) enabling structures or necessary antecedents
(e.g., perceived power imbalances, low perceived costs, and dissatisfaction and frustration), (2)
motivating structures or incentives (e.g., internal competition, reward systems and expected
benefits), and (3) precipitating processes or triggering circumstances (e.g., downsizing and
restructuring, organisational changes, changes in the composition of the work group). She
concludes that bullying is often an interaction between structures and processes from all three
groupings. Hoel and Salin (2003) propose a list of organisational antecedents of workplace
bullying. Four types of antecedents appear: (1) changing in general and changing nature of
work, (2) work organisation, (3) organisational culture and climate, and (4) leadership.
Organisational change seems to be widely associated to bullying. In order to sustain competitiveness
in an increasingly global marketplace, most organisations are still in the midst
of struggling with the effects of dramatic change processes, with downsizing, organisational
restructuring, and work intensification as a common result (Di Martino, et al. 2003). Under such
circumstances, the relationships between employees are likely to be affected. For instance,
organisational restructuring has been found to act as a risk factor of bullying in several studies
and this risk may grow if managers adopt more autocratic practices to bring about change
(McCarthy, et al. 1995, Sheehan 1999). A nationwide Irish study (HSA 2001) explored the
impact of technological change and change in ownership and found that, in both cases, the
risk of being bullied was substantially greater in organisations where such change had taken
place. The potential impact of change and restructuring processes on bullying has been analysed
by different authors (Hoel & Salin 2003). Some argue that the need for restructuring may
encourage more authoritarian management practices with the effect of lowering of thresholds
at which inappropriately coercive managerial behaviours (become) manifest in organisational
life (McCarthy, et al. 1995). Others argue with greater job insecurity, employees may also
become less resistant to managerial pressure, and more unlikely to challenge unfair and aggressive
treatment on the part of managers. The compression of the hierarchy provides fewer
opportunities for career advancement thus increasing the competition between managers for
promotion to a shrinking pool of jobs, with growing interpersonal conflict and bullying as possible
outcomes (Hoel & Salin 2003).
Work organisation is also considered to be an antecedent of bullying (Dejours 1993, 1998).
A negative and stressful working environment has frequently been associated with bullying
(Leymann 1996b). This relationship can be explained as various environmental work factors
are considered to produce or elicit occupational stress, which again may increase the risk of
conflict and bullying. The characteristics of the negative and stressful environment are, for
example, work intensification, a high degree of pressure, unclear and unpredictable job situations,
enforced team working, unclear roles and command structures, as well as various job
related physical aspects (noise, heat and coldness) (Hoel & Salin 2003).
When considering the organisational antecedents of bullying, organisational culture may play
a decisive role (Dejours 1993, 1998). Culture manifests itself at the group level, in different artefacts,
rituals, routines and stories, as well as physical artefacts and symbols, specific norms
and rules covering the behaviour of group members. According to Hoel and Salin (2003: 211),
“As new members enter the organisation they will gradually adapt to the shared norms of the
organisation and their work group by means of socialisation processes.”.
A study (Archer 1999) of bullying in the British Fire Brigade identified the training process as
a powerful source of socialisation of behaviour. In particular, when every uniformed member
of the organisation shares the same socialising experience, amplified by factors such as the
‘watch’ culture where the individual is allocated to the same tight knit work team, little room for
diversity is provided. Humiliating jokes, surprises and insults can also be part of the socialisation
process whereby new members are tested. This kind of humour can easily go sour and turn
into bullying if the target, for some reason, cannot defend him, or herself, or does not take it
as a joke (Hoel & Salin 2003). Moreover, bullying has been found to be prevalent in organisations
where employees and managers feel that they have the support, or at least implicitly the
blessing of senior managers, to carry on their abusive and bullying behaviour (Einarsen 1999).
Such views seem to be confirmed by the fact that over 90 per cent of respondents in a large
survey of members of UNISON, the British public sector union, identified “bullies can get away
with it” as a potential cause of bullying (Di Martino, et al. 2003). In some organisations, bullying
may not be an integral part of the culture, but it is still indirectly ‘permitted’. If there is no policy
against bullying, no monitoring policy and no punishment for those who engage in bullying,
it could be interpreted that the organisation accepts the behaviour as normal and legitimate
(Hoel & Salin 2003). Brodsky (1976: 83) argues that, “For harassment to occur, the harassment
elements must exist within a culture that permits and rewards harassment.”.
Two styles of leadership have been found to be associated with bullying: an authoritarian
style and a laissez-faire style. Indeed, settling conflicts or dealing with disagreements through
autocratic leadership has been linked to bullying (Vartia 1996). In contrast, people who had
neither been bullied, nor had observed bullying taking place, reported that disagreements at
their workplace tended to be solved by negotiation (Vartia 1996). Moreover, a laissez-faire
style of leadership may also provide a fertile ground for bullying between peers or colleagues.
A manager’s ignorance and failure to recognise and intervene in bullying cases may indirectly
contribute to bullying by conveying the message that bullying is acceptable. Similarly, dissatisfaction
with the amount and quality of guidance, instructions and given feedback has been
shown to be associated with higher levels of bullying (Hoel & Salin 2003).
Psychological harassment is a complex and dynamic process. It is the interaction of individuals
(victim and perpetrator) in the work context that gives rise to psychological harassment
behaviour. There are many possible determinants of bullying and probably often multiple
causes of bullying within the organisation, within the perpetrator, or within the victim. No clear
and standard profile of individuals, whether the perpetrator or the victim, or organisations has
emerged. Each situation of bullying should be considered carefully to understand the circumstances
of each bullying case.
Phase 2: Psychological Harassment Behaviour
Many studies have tried to define and understand psychological harassment behaviour. These
investigations have been conducted in Scandinavia (Einarsen, et al. 2003), in Australia (Mc-
Carthy, et al. 1998, 2001), the United States (Keashly & Jagatic 2003), and in France (Hirigoyen
1998, 2001, Poilpot-Rocaboy 1998, 2000, 2002, 2003). In spite of the large body of information
obtained from these assessments cultural and linguistic differences exist. For instance, the Third
European survey on working conditions considers that legal and cultural differences between
member countries may influence the way the questions are understood, and hence, determine
the nature of responses. Also, the level of knowledge or awareness about work environment
problems and the attitudes and concern about such problems vary greatly from one country to
another (Paoli & Merllié 2001). Furthermore, variable terms are used (i.e., psychological violence,
emotional abuse, employee abuse, bullying, mobbing, moral harassment, workplace harassment,
workplace aggression, workplace incivility, victimisation, interpersonal deviance and social
undermining) to describe this dysfunctional workplace behaviour. Nevertheless, psychological
harassment shares some common characteristics. In France, article L 122–49, paragraph 1 of
Code du Travail (Labour Code) summarises these characteristics. This article states,
No employee should have to suffer repeated acts of moral harassment which have
for their purpose or effect a degradation of his working conditions liable to violate his
rights and his dignity and to alter his physical and mental heath or to compromise
his professional future.
Thus, the first characteristic of psychological harassment is the notion of repetition. Psychological
harassment is a repeated and enduring behaviour. It is often perpetrated through repeated
behaviour, of a type, which alone may be relatively minor, but which cumulatively can become
a very serious form of violence. Although a single incident can suffice, psychological harassment
often consists of repeated, unwelcome, unreciprocated and imposed actions. Frequency
and duration are two important elements to define psychological harassment (Leymann 1996a,
Chappell & Di Martino 1998, Hirigoyen 1998, Poilpot-Rocaboy 1998, Di Martino, et al. 2003,
Einarsen, et al. 2003). Some authors (Leymann 1990, 1996a, Einarsen, et al. 2003) notice that
bullying should occur at least once a week and exposure to negative behaviours is repeated
within a six month period.
The second attribute and the third characteristic are the nature of the behaviour and the focus
on a target. Psychological harassment is a negative and unwanted behaviour. It is the process
whereby hostile and aggressive behaviour is directed systematically at one or more colleagues
or subordinates, leading to a stigmatisation and victimisation of the target. Bullying is behaviour
that offends, humiliates, intimidates or undermines a person. The dignity of the recipients of
harassment is at the centre of attention, thus extending the scope of health, safety and wellbeing
at work (Leymann 1996a, Di Martino, et al. 2003, Einarsen, et al. 2003).
The fourth characteristic is the result of the behaviour. Psychological harassment creates
many negative consequences. Psychological harassment creates a risk to health and safety.
Di Martino, Hoel and Cooper (2003) define psychological violence as intentional use of power
against another person or group that can result in harm to their physical, mental, spiritual,
moral or social development.
These four characteristics help to identify the phenomenon. Moreover, the variety of bullying
behaviours is so comprehensive that many authors propose to clarify the nature of the harassment
behaviour. For example, in Scandinavia, Leymann (1996a) identified five different forms of
workplace harassment behaviours which include the manipulation of: (1) the victim’s reputation,
(2) the victim’s possibilities of communicating with co-workers, (3) the victim’s social relationships,
(4) the quality of a person’s occupational and life situation, and (5) the victim’s health.
These forms are taken up by Hirigoyen (1998) in France and by different Scandinavian studies
(Einarsen, et al. 2003). In his NHS community trust research, Quine (1999) proposes a 20 item
inventory of bullying behaviours to measure the phenomenon. The 20 items are included in
five categories: (1) threat to professional status, (2) threat to personal standing, (3) isolation,
(4) overwork, and (5) destabilisation.
In the United Kingdom, the Guidance on Bullying (UNISON 1996) proposes that there are nine
different forms of bullying behaviour. In this document they are listed as (1) making life difficult
for those who have the potential to do the bully’s job better than the bully, (2) punishing others
for being too competent by constant criticism or by removing their responsibilities, often
giving them trivial tasks to do instead, (3) refusing to delegate because they feel they cannot
trust anyone else, (4) shouting at staff to get things done, (5) persistently picking on people
in front of others or in private, (6) insisting that a way of doing things is always right, (7) keeping
individuals in their place by blocking their promotion, (8) if someone challenges a bully’s
authority, overloading them with work and reducing the deadlines, hoping that they will fail at
what they do, and (9) feeling envious of another’s professional or social ability, so setting out
to make them appear incompetent, or make their lives miserable, in the hope of getting them
dismissed or making them resign. And in the United States, numerous inventories of negative
behaviours, identified with bullying, are proposed (Keashly & Jagatic 2003).
In the Australian literature a number of harassment behaviours have been identified. For instance,
the guide written by Workplace Victoria (a division of the Victoria Work Cover Authority)
to deal with workplace violence and bullying (Job Watch and Worksafe Victoria 2003) enumerates
eleven harassment behaviours which could be workplace bullying. These negative behaviours
are presented as (1) practical jokes, (2) verbal abuse (3) insulted, (4) excessive supervision, (5)
constant criticism, (6) put down in public, (7) the subject of rumours, (8) overloaded with work,
or not given enough work to do, (9) not getting the necessary information to do the job, (10)
personal effects or work equipment being damaged, and (11) threatened with the sack.
This short review of the literature shows that a large variety of actions can be considered as psychological
harassment. In spite of this variety, four characteristics (repetition of the behaviour, nature
of the behaviour, focus on a target and result of the behaviour) can be used to diagnose the psychological
harassment behaviour and distinct it to other negative behaviours in the workplace.
Phase 3: Coping with Psychological Harassment
When the psychological harassment is perceived, the victim feels negative emotions. Often the
target of harassment responds by acting out certain behaviours. In the same way, the organisation
can develop a response to harassment as is shown in phase 3 of Figure 1. However,
few studies have investigated how individuals and organisations respond to psychological
harassment, which is the third phase of the psychological harassment process.
Individual Response
Individuals can respond to psychological harassment passively or actively. Olafsson and Johannsdottir
(2004), in the first psychological harassment study in Iceland, classify the response of the
victims in four clusters: assertive response, seek help, avoidance and do nothing. These can be
arranged on a passive versus active dimension. The passive manner is essentially a ‘do nothing
strategy’, and it is illustrated by an absence of reaction of the victim. The explanation of this kind of
response is that the victim does not understand what has happened, and often does not dare to
speak about the situation, because the victim thinks the situation is going to stop. In this case, the
victim loses confidence and self esteem, feels alone and stays insulated gradually in the firm.
Certain specialists of victimisation explain the inaction of the victim by the existence with a
cyclic process. This process is somewhat identical to the marital violence process. There are
four aspects to this process, which have been identified as (1) the perpetrator reassures the
victim after a violence act, (2) the victim hopes the violence is going to stop, but (3) when the
victim is confident, violence occurs again. An alternative response to the passive format is the
action (active response). Different types of action exist. For example, the victim can write, day
after day, what is occurring, in order to keep the memory of the successive facts. The victim
can communicate about the situation with co-workers, supervisors, managers, HR management,
trade union representatives and even personnel of the health service. The purpose is
to challenge the perpetrator, to support from colleagues, to inform the direction, to seek help.
If the victim feels it is not possible to have help, a legal remedy can be sought, or leave to
preserve health. In France, thank to ‘La loi de Modernisation Sociale’ (Social Modernisation
Law), the victim can more easily respond actively.
Some researchers (Thacker 1996, Zapf & Gross 2001, Olafsson & Johannsdottir 2004) suggest
coping strategy is contingent. For example, the coping strategy can be related with various
variables, such as the severity or duration of the harassment situation (how long the victim is
harassed?), the characteristics of the victim (gender and status), the hierarchical relationship
between the perpetrator and the victim, the status of the perpetrator, and the fear and the
anticipation of the response of the company in the event of a complaint. For instance, Olafsson
and Johannsdottir (2004) show that coping strategies reflect the severity or duration of
the bullying situation, and depend on the gender of the victim. Males tend to seek help less
and use avoidance behaviour less than women, and males are more likely to use assertive
strategies, confirming gender stereotypes about what constitutes appropriate behaviour.
Increased bullying is also associated with the use of avoidance and passive response (do
nothing) behaviour. Olafsson and Johannsdottir (2004) contend these results are mainly in accordance
with findings from schools. It is suggested that active coping styles are employed
during the initial stages of bullying, but that victims resort to more passive coping strategies as
the bullying becomes more serious. Zapf and Gross (2001) also found that victims of bullying
generally used constructive conflict solving strategies in the beginning of the conflict. Later,
they subsequently changed their strategy several times, and often severed their linkage with
the organisation. These researchers discovered that victims of bullying often advised other
victims to leave the organisation and seek social support elsewhere.
Organisational Response
Organisations respond to bullying in terms of passive behaviours. Inaction is a passive coping
style. Organisational agents ignore the complaint of the victim. Seldom does the organisation
appear to be concerned with the complaint. This can be explained by the fact that in
accordance to the organisation, the behaviour is regarded acceptable, as ‘the norm’, or the
complaint is not taken with interest (“it is not serious!”, “it is for fun!”), or the harassment situation
is perceived as an interpersonal conflict (“it is their problem!”; “it is their private life!”).
The inaction is also explained by the fact that managers do not often know how to act against
this phenomenon (Hirigoyen 2001).
Organisations and their agents can also actively respond to bullying behaviour. The action is
an active style of coping. Organisational agents, such as HR managers, supervisors, managers,
trade union representatives and personnel of health services, may intervene and seek
information, develop communication, training, sanction, change organisational factors (work
context, work organisation, style of leadership and management, organisational culture). In a
study of the organisational representative response, Ferris (2004) proposes another classification
than passive and active coping styles. Three representative organisational responses
to allegations of bullying were presented: (1) the behaviour is acceptable, (2) the behaviour is
inappropriately equally attributed to both parties as a personality conflict, and (3) the behaviour
is harmful and inappropriate. The author argues that not all responses are supportive and that
some responses (the first and the second) can further harm an employee. She concludes that
counsellors must review potential organisational representative responses with employees and
recommend mandatory training for organisational representatives. Fitzgerald and Shullman
(1993) show, in the case of harassment the type of organisational response relates to various
situational variables such as leadership and management style and organisational culture;
perpetrator’s characteristics such as status and performance; victim’s characteristics such
as status, performance, duration of the harassment situation; and characteristics of the decision
maker (status, personality and gender). These individual and organisational responses
determine the consequences of the psychological harassment in the workplace.
Phase 4: Effects of Psychological Harassment
Different studies show that psychological harassment in the workplace causes harm for the
individual, the organisation and society. These symbolic relationships are expressed in phase
four of Figure 1.
Individual Effects
Many studies show that psychological harassment has extremely negative effects for individuals.
Generally, there are three individual consequences. The first effect is a deterioration of
the victim’s physical and mental health (McCarthy, et al. 1995, 1998, 2001, Leymann 1996b,
Ayoko, et al. 2003, Di Martino, et al. 2003, Einarsen & Mikkelsen 2003, Djurkovic, et al. 2004,
Matthiesen & Einarsen 2004, Nielsen, et al. 2004). Typically, research points to increased stress
levels and reduced physical and psychological wellbeing, with the most frequently identified
negative health related outcomes including: anxiety, depression, psychosomatic symptoms
(hostility, hyper sensibility, loss of memory and feelings of victimisation), aggression, fear and
mistrust, cognitive effects (such as, inability to concentrate, or think clearly, and reduced
problem solving capacity), isolation, loneliness, deterioration of relationships, chronic fatigue
and sleep problems. Workplace bullying not only affects the targets, but also their colleagues
or other bystanders. According to different studies (Einarsen & Mikkelsen 2003), witnesses of
bullying reported more mental stress reactions than workers who had not witnessed anyone
being bullied in their department. Witnesses may also suffer due to a real, or perceived, inability
to help the target.
In the most severe cases of bullying, victims have frequently been diagnosed with post-traumatic
stress disorder, or PTSD (Leymann & Gustafsson 1996, Matthiesen & Einarsen 2004, Nielsen,
et al. 2004, Tehrani 2004). The PTSD diagnosis refers to a constellation of stress symptoms
typically exhibited by victims of exceptionally traumatic events. The hallmark symptoms of
PTSD are reexperiencing, avoidance numbing and arousal. First, the trauma is relived through
repeated, insistent and painful memories of the event(s) or in recurring nightmares. Also, the
victims may experience an intense psychological discomfort and/or react physically when
exposed to reminders of the trauma. Second, victims with PTSD tend to avoid stimuli related
to the traumatic situation(s) and exhibit a general numbing of responsiveness. For instance,
they may have problems remembering the actual event(s) or may exhibit a reduced interest in
activities they used to enjoy. Often they feel detached from others. A third symptom is hyper
arousal. This may be manifested in, for example, sleeping problems, concentration difficulties,
highly tense and irritable behaviour, as well as in exaggerated reactions to unexpected stimuli
(Einarsen & Mikkelsen 2003). Some authors (Leymann 1996a, Hirigoyen 2001) have claimed
work harassment to be a major cause of suicide. Psychological harassment may also have
wider ramifications beyond those directly involved. Research has shown that witnessing violence
may lead to fear of future violent incidents and as such has similar negative effects as
being personally assaulted or attacked (Di Martino, et al. 2003).
The second effect of psychological harassment is the economic consequence for the victim.
A loss of income is often real. Harassment may generate coping strategies and health effects
which can develop into sickness absence, a lessening of productivity, a reduction of
performance, resignation from the organisation, and work incapacity because of a loss of self
confidence. Hirigoyen (2001) notes that in 36 per cent of the cases, the victim leaves the firm.
In 20 per cent of the reported cases, the person is laid off, in nine per cent of the cases, the
departure is negotiated, in seven per cent of the cases, the person resigns and in one per cent
of the cases, the person is put in anticipated retirement. In addition to this loss of incomes, the
victim may have medical expenses, psychotherapeutic spending and fees of lawyers. According
to Hirigoyen (2001), 30 per cent of the victims stopped working due to illness, disability, or
are made redundant for medical inaptitude. In 66 per cent of the cases, the victim is actually
excluded from the work world.
The third effect of bullying is the family and social implications. The results of exposure to
psychological harassment are likely to affect several important spheres of life, for example,
relationship with family or friends, leisure activities, household duties or sex life (Einarsen &
Mikkelsen 2003). Di Martino, et al. (2003) report that in a German national study of bullying,
a total of 20 per cent of the sample reported conflicts with partners or family, with eight point
one per cent eventually leading to a separation from their spouse. Research shows that all of
these individual effects are dependent on various variables such as severity and duration of
harassment, coping strategy of the victim, coping strategy of the organisation, characteristics
of the victim (sensitivity, education and experience). These effects create many costs for the
organisation.
Organisational Effects
Hoel, Einarsen and Cooper (2003) report,
From the very start of research into workplace bullying, attention has been paid to
the negative effects the experience may have on victims… by contrast, much less
attention has been paid to a possible relationship between bullying and organisational
outcomes. (p.145).
Psychological harassment is very costly for organisations. Leymann (1990) argues that a case of
bullying may cost the organisation around 30,000 to 100,000 euros each year. Di Martino, et al.
(2003) reveal that in a study of bullying at two Finnish hospitals it was estimated that the annual cost
of absence from bullying was equivalent to 195,465 euros. In Australia, using the latest Australian
estimates, the cost of workplace harassment to industry was estimated at between $6 billion and
$13 billion per annum when calculating the cost of direct, hidden and lost productivity, including
lost opportunity costs. Given this estimate, workplace harassment represents between point nine
and two per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (Queensland Government 2002).
Costs to the organisation can be significant. These costs include direct costs relating to absence,
sick leave, turnover (contributing to recruitment, training and development costs), reduced
productivity and performance, and strike among both victims and work groups, and costs in
relation to potential litigation (time spent in tribunal and court, compensation for loss of earning,
compensation for psychological damage, loss of public goodwill and reputation). In their study,
Hoel, et al. (2003) summarise the literature regarding the organisational effects of bullying and
list the costs due to absenteeism, turnover, reduction performance and productivity, use to
union or legal system and strike action in a British local authority. The authors specify that the
costs relate to the victim’s behaviour, but also with the witnesses of the bullying. The number
of potential organisational effects resulting from psychological harassment in the workplace
suggests that combating bullying makes good business sense.
Societal Effects
The direct and indirect costs to society of psychological harassment are difficult to estimate.
Di Martino, et al. (2003) note the assessment of the total costs of psychological harassment
to society is made more difficult by the fact that it is not possible to estimate such costs by
simply adding up all the individual costs and all the organisational costs. However, several
consequences of bullying may translate into an economic burden for society. Absenteeism
costs arising from long term illness, premature retirement on the grounds of ill health, long
term unemployment and welfare dependency, premature and unplanned loss of productive
employees (thus depriving the workforce of skills and talents and affecting overall national
productivity), economic burden for personal care is passed on to family and friends are examples
of societal costs.
Depending upon the national system for healthcare, medical expenses arising from harassment
may represent a substantial cost to society. These expenditures arise from the national
model for compensation, consequences of bullying, such as long term sickness absenteeism
and premature retirement may translate into an economic burden for society and lead to a
drop in productivity and output. An impact on service and quality of care is also identified.
Employees working in an atmosphere of fear are unlikely to provide care and service to the
best of their abilities and the quality of service provision may suffer, and eventually deteriorate
(Arnetz & Arnetz 2001).
Conclusion
A salient contribution of this paper is to presentation of the first specific conceptual model of
psychological harassment in the workplace. This model presents psychological harassment
as a four phase process. Because the model explains the determinants and the effects of
psychological harassment behaviour, it is an essential step to develop practices for combating
the phenomenon of workplace bullying. In fact, understanding the drivers and relevant variables
of psychological harassment shows why it is important to combat the phenomenon. An
understanding of the antecedents of psychological harassment and behaviour explains how
it is possible to address the phenomenon. This conceptual model provides underpinning to
propose a potential process to HR management intervention to combat psychological harassment
in the workplace.
Author
Dr Gwénaëlle Poilpot-Rocaboy is an Associate Professor of Human Resource Management
at the University of Rennes (France). She is the coordinator of the Human Resource Management
Master of the ‘Institut de Gestion de Rennes’. Her main research focus is Psychological
Harassment in the workplace. Dr Poilpot-Rocaboy has published papers in Francophone
reviews (Revue de Gestion des Ressources Humaines, Revue Francaise de Gestion, Gestion
2000) and has contributed to Francophone Human Resource Management books. She was a
visiting fellow at the School of Business and Information Management, Faculty of Economics
and Commerce, Australian National University (Canberra), for one Year (2005).
E-mail: gwenaelle.poilpot@univ-rennes1.fr
Acknowledgement
This paper has been written when I was visiting the School of Business and Information Management
of the Australian National University (Canberra). I would like to express my thanks to the people of
the school and particularly Richard Winter and Chris Chan for their extremely helpful comments.
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